A well known fact about our world is that there are great disparities in average IQ scores across countries. In the past, some have tried to argue that this pattern be explained by innate differences in cognition across populations - some people are just innately smarter than others. Others have tried to attribute these to cultural factors. However, genetics and culture are likely not driving these differences in any meaningful sense. After all, another stylized fact is that average IQ scores have been going up markedly, within one or two generations, within any given country. These changes, also known as the Flynn Effect after the researcher who painstakingly documented them, speak against the genes story because they occurred far more quickly than one would expect from population-wide changes in the distribution of cognition-determining genes. The have occured too quickly to be explained by paradigm shifting social changes, as well.
So what gives? Enter Chris Eppig, a researcher at the University of New Mexico. In a recent piece in The Scientific American , he proposes that cross-country differences in IQ, as well as changes in IQ rates within a country over time, can be explained by exposure to infectious diseases early in life. The story goes something like this: infections early in life require energy to fight off. Energy during this age is primarily used for brain development (in infancy, it is thought that over 80% of calories are allocated to neurologic development). So if energy is diverted to fend off infections, it can't be used to develop cognitive endowments, and afflicted infants and children end up becoming adults that do poorly on IQ tests.
In the piece, Eppig cites some of his work linking infectious disease death rates in countries to average IQ scores. His models control for country income and a few other important macroeconomic variables. His evidence, while not proof of a causal relationship, is certainly provocative. So provocative in fact that I ended up trying to build a stronger causal story between early childhood infections and later life cognitive outcomes. In a recent paper (cited in the above Scientific American article), I examine the impact of early life exposure to malaria on later life performance on a visual IQ test. I use a large-scale malaria eradication program in Mexico (1957) as a quasi-experiment to prove causality. Basically, I find that individuals born in states with high rates of malaria prior to eradication - the area that gained most from eradication - experienced large gains in IQ test scores after eradication relative those born in states with low pre-intervention malaria rates, areas that did not benefit as much from eradication (see this Marginal Revolution piece for a slightly differently worded explanation).
My paper also looks at the mechanisms linking infections and cognition. One possibility is the biological model described above - infections divert nutritional energy away from brain development. However, I also find evidence of a second possibility: parents respond to initial differences in cognition or health due to early life infections and invest in their children accordingly. In the Mexican data, children who were less afflicted by malaria thanks to the eradication program started school earlier than those who were more afflicted. Because a child's time is the domain of parental choice, this suggests that parents reinforce differences in the way their children are (- erhaps they feel that smarter children will be smarter adults, and so investments in their schooling will yield a higher rate of return - and that this can modulate the relationship between early life experiences and adulthood outcomes.
2 comments:
I think it would be interesting to include some further discussion of the outcomes, and whether they are biological measures of innate ability or if they are something more socially determined, like SAT scores. Your findings suggest to me that its the latter.
The outcome in my paper is the Raven progressive matrices test, which is a pictoral intelligence test that is used world over precisely because it avoids confounding with sociocultural factors. That said, the change I find is very abrupt - cohorts born just after eradication do far better than those born just before (i.e., within a 1 year window). This is simply to fast to be confounded by the social factors you suggest.
Great thought - thanks!
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